In Defense of American Exceptionalism
“Fellow-citizens, we cannot escape history. We of this Congress and this administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass, will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the latest generation. We say we are for the Union. The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to save the Union. The world knows we do know how to save it. We — even we here — hold the power, and bear the responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free — honorable alike in what we give, and what we preserve. We shall nobly save, or meanly lose, the last best hope of earth. Other means may succeed; this could not fail. The way is plain, peaceful, generous, just — a way which, if followed, the world will forever applaud, and God must forever bless.” Abraham Lincoln, December 1, 1862
As a liberal democracy, is the United States different in any appreciable way from other liberal democracies in the western tradition, and if so, does the thought of its founders explain this?
That is the question posed yesterday by commenter and Vox Nova blogger Morning’s Minion. Commenter Art Deco took up the challenge:
I do not think you are going to find a nexus of social phenomena that is explained by a single cause. To the extent that intellectual genealogies influence people’s conceptions of what their interests and ideals are, the thought of that corps of politicians is important. To the extent that the social evolution of the United States has been shaped by political institutions which were informed by the thought of these men, their thought is important.
Any society has its signature elements. I am not sure why it escapes you what ours are, in the political realm and outside it. We can defer for a moment the more interesting discussion of the country’s social history and historical geography and just look at aspects of the latter-day political order, as you insist.
1. The political parties have tended to manifest conflict between subcultures rather than between social strata.
2. The political parties are haphazard and decentralized in comparison with their European counterparts (France excepted).
3. Formal political institutions are likewise, with many accumulated barnacles.
4. We maintain a common law system, which is not indebted to the Code Napoleon.
5. Our constitution antedates all but a few in Europe by a century and the forms delineated therein derive from institutions of colonial government more than 150 older than that; there has been intramural political violence in the United States but also absolute continuity of local institutions for more than 400 years and continuity of continental institutions for in excess of 200 years.
6. Because our institutions are comparatively antique and because they were delineated by a single statute, aspects of political practice in Britain were retained here while being abandoned there and elsewhere. Notable is the absence of parliamentary government, something quite unusual among the fifty or so most durable constitutional systems. (I believe the United States and Costa Rica are the only examples).
7. Both in politics and society, trade and industrial unions are much weaker here, comprehending just 9% of the private sector workforce. Unions in America are now lobbies for the interests of public employees.
8. The multiplication of the functions of the state and corporatist institutions and practices have been much more restrained here. Public enterprise has tended to be limited to natural monopolies owned and operated by provincial and local governments; the federal government operates a postal service, some hydroelectric stations, and maintains a large inventory of land, but that is it.
9. The political intelligence and moral sentiments of our elected officials (not our judges) remain more resonant with that of the general public than is the case elsewhere. I think it was Oriana Fallaci who once complained that if you ask a British legislator what the intellectual influences on him were, he might offer Marx or Burke; his American counterpart would name his own father. There is a reason we have capital punishment in this country and they do not in Canada, and that reason is not differences in public sentiment.
I find this topic fascinating. I agree with what Art has said. I also believe that the Founding Fathers are a large part of what makes America exceptional.
From its foundation the United States has been a nation not based primarily on ties of ancestry and land. On the Fourth of July Americans from coast to coast will celebrate the Declaration of Independence. Most of those Americans will have ancestors who were not Americans in 1776. We do not engage in a form of ancestor worship when we remember the Founding Fathers on Independence Day. Rather we recall and affirm the principles which they made the foundation of the nation:
1. That certain great Truths about the human condition are self-evident.
2. That there is a right, even a duty, to rise in rebellion in defense of liberty.
3. That God grants us certain inalienable rights.
4. That Government is a constant threat to liberty unless kept in check.
5. That Government derives its just powers from the consent of the governed.
6. That the purpose of Government is to protect the rights of the people.
7. That men are not angels and therefore Governments are necessary.
8. That war is preferable to submission to tyranny.
9. That all men are created equal.
10. That freedom and liberty are not mere words but at the heart of the American experiment.
These and other principles bequeathed to their physical and spiritual posterity by the Founding Fathers do help make America a unique nation on the face of the globe.